Грађански рат у Украјини

[Gerhard]

Dakle, 80 ljudi je poginulo da bi predsjednicke izbore dobili u jesen 2014. umjesto u martu 2015? bangin

[ПиП]

18:49: Савет Европе је поздравио споразум потписан између украјинског председника Виктора Јануковича и лидера опозиције, који има за циљ решавање политичке кризе у Украјини. Споразум је потписан уз учешће неколико држава ЕУ и Русије.

Савет је одмах понудио да почне пружање правне експертизе за реформу украјинскoг Устава.

Међународна саветодавна група, формирана ради истраге насилних сукоба у Украјини, ће почети са радом већ следеће недеље, рекао је генерални секретар Савета, Торбјорн Јагланд. Међутим, у групу су до сада укључени само чланови опозиције, те нема представника владе.

 

http://www.vostok.rs/index.php?option=btg_novosti&catnovosti=7&idnovost=55038&Rat-u-Ukrajini---iz-minuta-u-minut#.UweYPc6mbaT

 

 

Како ово познато звучи?!

И ми смо поселе 5. октобра добили све неке експерте. Стање 14. година касније није потребно појшњавати.

[Ромејац]

"It's completely not enough," said protester Anton Gusev, standing at one of the barricades near city hall. Referring to the election date, he said, "December or March - what difference does it make?"

[ПиП]

19:55: На Мајдану одбили да предају оружје и позвали на наставак блокаде здања администрације.

 

http://www.vostok.rs/index.php?option=btg_novosti&catnovosti=7&idnovost=55038&Rat-u-Ukrajini---iz-minuta-u-minut#.UwenzM6mbaT

[Ромејац]

 

http://ic.pics.livejournal.com/zyalt/10761149/372649/372649_600.jpg

[Ромејац]

 

http://ic.pics.livejournal.com/zyalt/10761149/375149/375149_original.png

[Ромејац]

http://youtu.be/krn1MvfB3fM

[DraganaBGD]

Mislim da za ovo ne treba prevod.

Izraelski bezbednjaci ucestvuju u protestu u Kijevu.

 

 

Dodajem da je skoro svaki cetvrti drzavljanin Izraela Ruskog porekla a da vecina zapravo nisu Jevreji. A Izraelci zele vecinu Jevreja u svojoj zemlji.Nesto smrdi ovde...

 

Sta je interes Izraelaca..?

 

http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2014/02/16/350986/israel-exofficer-leads-ukraine-unrest/

[Ромејац]

Is There One Ukraine?

The Problem With Ukrainian Nationalism

 

 

 

Images of toppled statues notwithstanding, “revolution” has never been the right word to describe recent events in Kiev. Ukraine, after all, has been here before. At the heart of the country’s present struggle is its resistance to any "strategic partnership" with Russia and its understanding of Europe as a potential economic and political savior from corrupt government. But the tensions between East and West -- both psychological and geographic -- are deeply rooted in Ukraine's national identity. Those Ukrainians most concerned about their country’s future would do well to recognize that identity’s inherent fragility. The original generation of Ukrainian nationalists suffered precisely for their failure to do so. 

Prior to the twentieth century, there were no “Ukrainians” to speak of -- at least not in an official sense. Tsarist Russia built its national identity on the idea of Slavic unity, of which Ukraine was a fundamental and inseparable part. Russia still traces its Orthodox inheritance to Kievan Rus, the loose confederation of Slavic principalities that fell to the Mongols in the thirteenth century. Dominated by the Lithuanians and the Poles from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries, and overrun by Cossacks in the seventeenth, most of the area was integrated into the emerging Russian Empire after 30 years of fighting among Russia, Poland, Turks and Cossacks for control of its fertile lands. But the region to the west of the Dnieper River (which runs through Kiev) remained with the Poles. Upon Poland's partition in the final decades of the eighteenth century, these western lands (where Catholicism had gained some foothold) were divided between Russia and Austria.  

The western population under Austrian rule was labeled “Ruthenian” (dog Latin for “Russian”); in the central and eastern lands, the population was categorized as “Little Russian” by the tsarist state (which had made it illegal to print the word "Ukraine"). In many of the territory’s remote rural areas, there was so much ethnic intermingling that it was difficult for anything more than a localized form of identity to take root in the popular consciousness. “Were one to ask the average peasant in the Ukraine his nationality,” observed a British diplomat in 1918, “he would answer that he is Greek Orthodox; if pressed to say whether he is a Great Russian, a Pole, or a Ukrainian, he would probably reply that he is a peasant; and if one insisted on knowing what language he spoke, he would say that he talked ‘the local tongue.’”

The country we now call Ukraine was a creation of World War I -- which destroyed the Russian and Austrian empires -- but its people were not called Ukrainians until independence had been won. Internally divided by language and religion throughout the nineteenth century, Ukraine was less a nation than an expression of the geopolitical divisions that erupted in World War I. A Ukrainian nationalist movement did begin to emerge before the war, but it was confined to the urban literate classes seeking to promote their own Ukrainian language in schools and public life through native-language newspapers and books.

The nationalists eventually built up a mass following by combining calls for land reform with demands for native-language and civil rights, enabling the Ukrainians to gain full access to schools, courts, and political representation. But this national revolution, which burst onto the scene in 1917, proved impossible to sustain in the face of Russian resistance. The movement soon came to depend on assistance from foreign powers, including Germany and Austria, that were keen to help the nationalists attain Ukraine's independence in order to control this weak new state and use it in the war against Russia.

Ukraine won its independence from Soviet Russia thanks to Germany's defeat of Soviet Russia and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. But this was an impoverished form of independence, as it depended heavily on German protection and had a pro-German puppet state that allowed the kaiser's armies to help themselves to its rich food stocks. After the withdrawal of German forces at the end of the war, the country was overrun by Polish forces, the Western-backed White armies, anarchist peasant groups, and the Red Army. Ukraine's nationalists had the weakest hold on the country of them all.

In 1921, the Bolsheviks emerged victorious from the Russian civil war, and Ukraine was forced back into the fold. With the Soviet-Polish Treaty of Riga, Ukraine lost its independence and found itself partitioned between Soviet Russia and Poland. And having sided with the Germans and the Poles against the Soviets, the Ukrainians who remained in Soviet territory were singled out for punishment. Joseph Stalin in particular never forgave the Ukrainians for their independence movement during the civil war: No other Soviet republic suffered so severely from his policies, especially from forcible campaign of agricultural collectivization, which ended in the famine of the early 1930s, now recognized by the United Nations as an act of genocide in all but name against the Ukrainians.

The Ukraine that was later carved out of the Soviet Union in 1991 was little more united or coherent as a nation than the one that had entered the U.S.S.R. as a Soviet socialist republic in 1922. Its boundaries with Russia and Belarus were in many places arbitrary and confusing. The Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev created a further complication when he transferred the Crimea from Russia to Ukraine in 1954. Packaged as a gift of "Soviet friendship" to his native Ukraine, where Khrushchev had presided over much of the terror in the 1930s, the transfer remains a thorn in Moscow's relations with Kiev because the Russian fleet continues to be harbored on this strategic Black Sea peninsula. 

Above all, the country is divided between those who look to Europe for their values and ideals -- mainly young Ukrainian speakers in the west and central regions -- and those older Russian speakers in the industrial eastern regions and Crimea who prefer to retain the old connections with Russia. Consider a November 2013 poll conducted by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology. It showed high levels of support in eastern Ukraine (64 percent) for a customs union between Ukraine and Russia, modest levels of support in central Ukraine (29 percent), and lower levels in the west (16 percent). Support for a referendum on whether the country ought to join the European Union followed the reverse pattern: 66 percent in favor in the west, 43 percent in the center, and only 18 percent in the east. 

It would be difficult to argue that Ukraine’s future lies east. In the short and medium term, Ukrainians cannot afford to fall out with Russia, which controls their energy supplies, owns most of their debt, and has strong links with their industries. But in the longer term, Europe is the best hope the Ukrainians have for good governance and economic modernization -- for the “normal” way of life that seems to be the guiding inspiration of the opposition on the streets. Russia can only offer nostalgia for the past, not the promise of a better future.

But Ukrainian nationalists would do well to remember that their European dream is just that -- a dream. The European Union is undoubtedly sympathetic to Ukrainian demands for political reform, and that is certainly an important step: Ukraine has been badly served by corrupt politicians for far too long. But Brussels is unlikely to commit to the grander visions of some Ukrainians. There will be no visa-free travel for Ukrainians, let alone EU membership for Ukraine. Ukraine is too big and too poor for the European Union to absorb it. Those Ukrainians who are skeptical of Europe are not wrong to think that Europe mostly has its own interests in mind when supporting the protesters in Kiev.

Given how divided Ukraine is on these issues -- and how incompatible Russia’s desires are with the European Union’s -- Ukraine ought to consider applying a precedent from elsewhere in eastern Europe: deciding the country’s fate by referendum. The 1993 partition of Czechoslovakia, the so-called velvet divorce, was a mostly amicable division that was ratified, and thus legitimized, by the country’s own citizens. Ukrainian politicians could similarly allow the public to decide the basic course of the country’s foreign policy. It would be a messy process, and there would be many who argue reasonably that Ukrainian identity consists precisely in maintaining some link with both East and West. But foreign policy by referendum would be preferable to the permanent division of Ukraine, which is looking increasingly like a possibility. And given Ukraine’s tragic twentieth-century history, it would certainly be preferable to a solution imposed by an outside power. 

[Ромејац]

Лидери опозиције извиждани у центру Кијева

 

КИЈЕВ – Демонстранти у центру Кијева извиждали су опозиционе лидере који су изашли на бину на Тргу независности да представе споразум који су потписали с председником Виктором Јануковичем.

Један од екстремиста на тргу познатом као и Мајдан запретио је да ће кренути у офанзиву с ватреним оружјем ако опозиција не затражи да Јанукович до сутра ујутро поднесе оставку.

На тргу су се чули и узвици „Смрт криминалцу!” упућени Јануковичу.

Јанукович и три лидера опозиције - Виталиј Кличко, Арсениј Јацењук и Олег Тјагнибок, потписали су данас споразум о окончању кризе у присуству посредника ЕУ - шефова дипломатије Немачке, Француске и Пољске, Франк-Валтера Штајнмајера, Лорана Фабијуса и Радослава Шикорског.

[Ромејац]

"Мирни демонстранти" најавили да ће са оружјем напасти владу ако Јануковић не преда власт до сутра ујутру у 10:00.

[Gerhard]

23:43

Представник Русије у разговорима у Кијеву - омбуцман Владимир Лукин - одиграо је конструктивну улогу у преговорима председника Украјине Виктора Јануковича и опозиције о нормализацији стања у земљи, изјавио је министар спољних послова Пољске Радослав Сикорски.

23:12

На Мајдану одбили да предају оружје и позвали на наставак блокаде здања администрације.

[Gerhard]

Radikalni neo-nacisti iz militantne skupine Desni Sektor odbijaju dogovor opozicije i predsjednika te poručuju kako će sutra krenuti u oružani napad na parlament ukoliko Janukovič do 10 sati ujutro ne podnese ostavku.

[Ромејац]

Agreement on the Settlement of Crisis in Ukraine

 

Concerned with the tragic loss of life in Ukraine,

Seeking an immediate end of bloodshed,

Determined to pave the way for a political resolution of the crisis,

We, the signing parties, have agreed upon the following:

1. Within 48 hours of the signing of this agreement, a special law will be adopted, signed and promulgated, which will restore the Constitution of 2004 including amendments passed until now. Signatories declare their intention to create a coalition and form a national unity government within 10 days thereafter.

2. Constitutional reform, balancing the powers of the President, the government and parliament, will start immediately and be completed in September 2014.

3. Presidential elections will be held as soon as the new Constitution is adopted but no later than December 2014. New electoral laws will be passed and a new Central Election Commission will be formed on the basis of proportionality and in accordance with the OSCE & Venice commission rules.

4. Investigation into recent acts of violence will be conducted under joint monitoring from the authorities, the opposition and the Council of Europe.

5. The authorities will not impose a state of emergency. The authorities and the opposition will refrain from the use of violence.

The Parliament will adopt the 3rd amnesty, covering the same range of illegal actions as the 17th February 2014 law.

Both parties will undertake serious efforts for the normalization of life in the cities and villages by withdrawing from administrative and public buildings and unblocking streets, city parks and squares.

Illegal weapons should be handed over to the Ministry of Interior bodies within 24 hours of the special law, referred to in point 1 hereof, coming into force.

After the aforementioned period, all cases of illegal carrying and storage of weapons will fall under the law of Ukraine. The forces of authorities and of the opposition will step back from confrontational posture. The Government will use law enforcement forces exclusively for the physical protection of public buildings.

6. The Foreign Ministers of France, Germany, Poland and the Special Representative of the President of the Russian Federation call for an immediate end to all violence and confrontation.

Kyiv, 21 February 2014

Signatories:

For the government: President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych

For the opposition: leader of the political party "UDAR" Vitali Klitschko, leader of "VO "Batkivshchyna" Arseniy Yatsenyuk, leader of "VO "Svoboda" Oleh Tiahnybok

Witnessed by:

For the EU: Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland Radosław Sikorski and Director at the Continental Europe Department of the French Foreign Ministry Eric Fournier.

[Megas Doux]

Smirila se Ukrajina hvala ti Bože !!! Slava Ukrajini !