Председник Америке, Доналд Џ Трамп

[Аурор]

пре 1 минут, Џуманџи рече

 

Мy heart is weeping... 

[Џуманџи]

Управо сада, Аурор рече

Мy heart is weeping... 

Само кажем да бих те радо послушала.

[Аурор]

пре 59 минута, Џуманџи рече

Само кажем да бих те радо послушала.

Ево ја ћу, нема проблем...  

Поред Барона си сад, једнако сте фини и паметни.

[Аурор]

Овако:
 

[Аурор]

[Аурор]

Берни признао слободно тржиште!
 

[Аурор]

 

[Аурор]

@RYLAH

[Џуманџи]

1 hour ago, Аурор рече

Ево ја ћу, нема проблем...  

It sure doesn't work both ways, sweetypie. 

[uros]

O Nacional Socialistickoj Radnickoj Partiji (NDAP) i kasnije Nacionalsocijalistickoj socijalistickoj vlasti u Nemackoj 1930-1940tih godina:

Why Nazism Was Socialism and Why Socialism Is Totalitarian

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211 COMMENTS

TAGS The Police StateWorld HistoryOther Schools of ThoughtPhilosophy and MethodologyPolitical Theory

11/11/2005George Reisman

My purpose today is to make just two main points: (1) To show why Nazi Germany was a socialist state, not a capitalist one. And (2) to show why socialism, understood as an economic system based on government ownership of the means of production, positively requires a totalitarian dictatorship.

The identification of Nazi Germany as a socialist state was one of the many great contributions of Ludwig von Mises.

When one remembers that the word "Nazi" was an abbreviation for "der Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiters Partei — in English translation: the National Socialist German Workers' Party — Mises's identification might not appear all that noteworthy. For what should one expect the economic system of a country ruled by a party with "socialist" in its name to be but socialism?

Nevertheless, apart from Mises and his readers, practically no one thinks of Nazi Germany as a socialist state. It is far more common to believe that it represented a form of capitalism, which is what the Communists and all other Marxists have claimed.

The basis of the claim that Nazi Germany was capitalist was the fact that most industries in Nazi Germany appeared to be left in private hands.

What Mises identified was that private ownership of the means of production existed in name only under the Nazis and that the actual substance of ownership of the means of production resided in the German government. For it was the German government and not the nominal private owners that exercised all of the substantive powers of ownership: it, not the nominal private owners, decided what was to be produced, in what quantity, by what methods, and to whom it was to be distributed, as well as what prices would be charged and what wages would be paid, and what dividends or other income the nominal private owners would be permitted to receive. The position of the alleged private owners, Mises showed, was reduced essentially to that of government pensioners.

De facto government ownership of the means of production, as Mises termed it, was logically implied by such fundamental collectivist principles embraced by the Nazis as that the common good comes before the private good and the individual exists as a means to the ends of the State. If the individual is a means to the ends of the State, so too, of course, is his property. Just as he is owned by the State, his property is also owned by the State.

But what specifically established de facto socialism in Nazi Germany was the introduction of price and wage controls in 1936. These were imposed in response to the inflation of the money supply carried out by the regime from the time of its coming to power in early 1933. The Nazi regime inflated the money supply as the means of financing the vast increase in government spending required by its programs of public works, subsidies, and rearmament. The price and wage controls were imposed in response to the rise in prices that began to result from the inflation.

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This was the socialism instituted by the Nazis. And Mises calls it socialism on the German or Nazi pattern, in contrast to the more obvious socialism of the Soviets, which he calls socialism on the Russian or Bolshevik pattern.

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https://mises.org/library/why-nazism-was-socialism-and-why-socialism-totalitarian

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https://blog.archive.org/2017/01/05/internet-archives-trump-archive-launches-today/

Цитат

Why a Trump Archive?

We draw on this material, and our experience with building the successful Political TV Ad Archive, to create a curated collection of material related to Trump, with an emphasis on fact-checked statements. The video is searchable, quotable, and shareable on social media.

In response to requests by our fact checking partners on the Political TV Ad Archive project and other media, we hope to provide assistance for those tracking Trump’s evolving statements on public policy issues.

http://archive.org/details/trumparchive&tab=collection

О. Боже. 'рана за душу његову. 

[Ћириличар]

пре 7 часа, Juanito рече

Како да волим комуњару који хоће толико да изрегулише економију? Страшно, ни бриселске комуњаре то не раде толико.

On je ekonomski patriota a ne komunjara.  Jest hoće veće tarife i regulative i sve što vrišti intervencionizmom ali on nije kao briselske komunjare  NNiiiiiiimalo... 

[Аурор]

[Аурор]

1 hour ago, Ћириличар рече

Jest hoće veće tarife i regulative

 

[Аурор]

Nije ovo sa onim likom jedini slucaj:

Humano i tolerantno liberalno levo.